Khadi and Sodepur by D. G. Tendulkar (Mahatma - Vol-8 Period 9th Aug 1947 - 7th Sep 1947)

5. Under A Muslim Roof (1947)

ON THE train, August 7, 1947, Gandhi wrote an article on the task before the students: "There should be only one national organization including the Hindus, the Muslims and the others. Students are the makers of the future. They cannot be partitioned. I am sorry to observe that neither the students have thought for themselves, nor have the leaders left them to their studies, so that they can become good citizens. The rot began with the alien government. We, the inheritors, have not taken the trouble to rectify the errors of the past. Then the different political groups have sought to catch the students as if they were the shoals offish. And stupidly the students have run into the net spread for them.

"It is, therefore, a Herculean task for any students' organization to undertake. But there must be a heroic spirit among them, who would not shrink from the task. The scope will be to knit them together into one. This the students cannot do, unless they will learn to steer clear of active politics. A student's duty is to study the various problems that require solution. His time for action comes after he finishes his studies.

"They must eschew active politics. It is a sign of one-sided growth that all parties have made use of the student world for their own purpose. This was probably inevitable when the purpose of education was to create a race of slaves who would hug their slavery. That part of the business is over, I hope. The students' first business is to think out the education that the children of a free nation should receive. The education of today is obviously not such. I must not go into the question as to what it should be. Only they must not allow themselves to be deceived into the belief that it is the function only of the elders in the university senates. They must stimulate the faculty of thinking. I do not even remotely suggest that the students can force the situation by strikes and the like. They have to create the public opinion by offering constructive and enlightened criticism. The senators having been brought up in the old school are slow to move. They can truly be acted upon by enlightenment.

"A student's life has been rightly likened to the life of a sanyasi. He must be the embodiment of simple living and high thinking. He must be discipline incarnate. His pleasure is derived from his studies. They do provide the real pleasure when study ceases to be a tax the student has to pay. What can be a greater pleasure than that a student marches from knowledge to more knowledge?"

After arriving in Calcutta Gandhi underwent medical examination. In a bulletin, Dr. Sunil Bose stated that, in view of the rainy season and fear of malaria in Noakhali district, it was essential to cut down his stay there to eight or ten days at the most. He added: "I have examined Mahatma Gandhiji after an interval of eight years. His physical condition is unchanged since 1939. In fact, the facial appearance and colour seem to have improved marvellously. His body weighs today 113 pounds against 112 to 114 pounds in 1939. His heart and lungs are sound. The pulse rate is 68 per minute and regular, volume good. A general outlook in health is on the whole very favourable."

At Sodepur, on August 9th, Gandhi devoted his prayer address to the situation.in Calcutta. His destination, he said, was Noakhali, but he had been listening the whole day long to the woes of Calcutta. Some Muslim friends and also some Hindus complained that the Hindus seemed to have gone mad, not that the Musalmans had become wiser. But now that the Muslim police and Muslim officials were almost withdrawn and replaced by the Hindus, the Hindus had begun to believe that they were now free to do what they liked, as the Musalmans were reported to have done under the Muslim League ministry. He was not going to examine what was done under the Muslim League ministry. His purpose was undoubtedly to know what his co-worker Dr. Ghosh's ministry was now doing. Was it true that the Muslims were living in terror? If it was at all true, it was a severe reflection on the Congress ministry. He wras rightly asked, before he went up to Noakhali, to tarry in Calcutta to "pour a pot of water over the raging fire" that was burning Calcutta. He would love to give his life if, thereby, he could contribute to the quenching of mob fury. He would never be able to subscribe to the theory that the doings in Calcutta were the result of goondaism. He held that the crude open goondaism was a reflection of the subtle goondaism they were harbouring within. Hence, it was the duty of the Governments to hold themselves responsible for the acts of goondas, so called. He hoped that Calcutta would not present the disgraceful spectacle of the hot goondaism when they were entering upon full responsibility.

On August 10 there was a big crowd at the prayer congregation. Their acclamation was piercing. Gandhi had to speak to them for a few minutes to establish quiet. Gandhi said that he had thought that he was to go to Noakhali the next day. Owing to the pressure from many Muslim friends who had seen him, he had decided to stay to see if he could contribute his share in the return of sanity in the premier city of India. The argument of the Muslim friends went home. He had, at the same time, observed that if he did not go to Noakhali and any mishap took place, his life would become forfeit, as he had said already about Bihar; He had seen the ministers and the others too during the day. He would like to see the places, where the destruction was said to have been wrought by the Hindus. He had also learnt that there were some parts of Calcutta which were inaccessible to the Hindus, though many premises therein used to be occupied by them. Similar was the case with the Hindu localities. His head hung in shame to listen to this recital of man's barbarism. He would love to go to these localities and see for himself how much truth there was in these recitals. He was told that there were not more than twenty-three per cent Muslims in Calcutta. It was unthinkable that such a minority could coerce the majority without countenance from or incompetence of authority. Similarly, it was unthinkable that in the midst of a government which knew the art of government, the majority could for one moment be permitted to coerce the minority. He was also told that what the Muslim police and the Muslim officers were alleged to be doing before, now that the Congress ministry was in power, the Hindu police and Hindu officers were doing. They had become partial in the administration of justice. If this wretched spirit of communalism had entered the police force, the prospect was black, indeed. He hoped that the police would realize the dignity of their profession.

Addressing the prayer gathering on August 11, Gandhi said: "This evening I must devote to answering some questions addressed to me. One of them complains that the prominent men were admitted but the comparatively unknown persons were insulted. There was an inordinate rush throughout the day, it being Sunday. I agree that when there is such a rush, there should be no distinction made between the known and unknown persons. But I had given previous appointments to some who had to be admitted. Then there were many who were specially working for the day. I would, therefore, plead with those who may feel disappointed on such occasions, to have forbearance and patience, as I would plead with the volunteers to be uniformly courteous and gentle with the public.

"I had read something about the Chittagong flood, the day before yesterday, when I came to Calcutta. This is the third day and I see that the angry waters have not yet subsided, and the extent of loss to life and property no one can yet assess with any degree of accuracy. It is hardly necessary to remind ourselves, in the face of such catastrophe, that we may not think of east or west, or of Pakistan and of Hindustan. Adversity makes strange bedfellows. Surely, then, those who were bedfellows till yesterday, must not cease to be at least on such occasions, whatever their political or religious differences might be or might have done. It is a calamity to cope with not merely for East Bengal but for the whole of Bengal, and not for Bengal only but for the whole of India. There 'must be a strong reliable committee to collect and to distribute funds. Local men come first. Round them can arise an All-Bengal Relief Committee, and if need be even an All-India one. No trouble need be given to all India if Bengal alone can cope with the situation. My whole heart goes out to Chittagong in its dire calamity. May the survivors bear it with fortitude.

"Correspondents continue to ask all sorts of questions about the appointments of the governors, ministers and the like, as if I were a member of the Congress Working Committee, or could affect its decisions. I know and I admit that I have and shall always retain, by right of service, a place in the hearts of the Congressmen. I know too that I shall forfeit that place immediately I begin to overstep my limits. Legal status I have none, moral status can be retained only so long as the moral platform is firmly heid.

" 'Do you agree that the leaders of both the communities should proceed to East and West Bengal and show that they have no differences now to quarrel over ?' "My answer is emphatically 'Yes', if the leaders are one at heart. If the word belies the thought, then the going about will be worse than useless. The newspaper war still continues. I would always prefer an open war to the war of hearts. Are we sure that the leaders trust one another? My fear is that neither at the top, nor at the bottom, are we cleansed of hypocrisy. I can, therefore, but repeat my old argument that we must unlearn the habit of retaliation in every shape and form. Blow for blow is a crude form and, probably, more excusable than the subtle one of evil thought for its kind. Thought is the root of speech and deed. I am sorry that I am unable to return a more comfortable answer. There is none that I know. This is said to hearten ourselves, not to dishearten us. For I have said the naked truth. Within my experience, it ever heartens. Is it not heartening to know the true remedy for a disease? Any other is a palliative and in the end aggravates the disease."

On August 12, Gandhi said that the 15th August was to be a landmark in India's history. It was a day when India would be declared free of the foreign yoke. India was to be an independent nation. He had told how the day was to be observed, but he was probably alone in the view. Already, there was an announcement that the Muslims of Calcutta were to observe it as a day of mourning. He hoped that it was not true. No man could be compelled to observe the/day in a particular manner. It was to be a perfectly voluntary act. He Would ask Muslim countrymen not to mourn over the freedom. The present distemper was.to go.

What were then the Hindus in Pakistan to do? They should salute the Pakistan flag if it meant freedom and equality of all in every respect, irrespective of caste, colour or creed.

He had heard further that on August 15th the Indians in the French and the Portuguese possessions were to declare their freedom of France and Portugal, respectively. That, he pointed out, would be a thoughtless act. It would be a sign, perhaps, of arrogance. The British were retiring, not the French and the Portuguese. He, undoubtedly, held the view that the Indians in these possessions were bound to merge in independent India in good time. Only, the Indians in those territories should not take the law in their own hands. They had the constitutional means open to them, and then there was the Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, who had vindicated the freedom of Indonesia. Surely, he was not going to neglect his own kith and kin in the two possessions. If they had any doubt about the validity of his advice, they should act on Jawaharlal's advice.

Gandhi then referred to another important subject. They knew that he prolonged his stay in Calcutta by two days at the instance of his Muslim friends. Last night Shaheed Saheb Suhrawardy came to see him. He suggested that it would be contrary to the speaker's practice to leave Calcutta while it was going through the horrors of the communal strife. Shaheed Saheb suggested that the speaker should prolong his stay in the city and work until real peace was restored. The speaker replied that Suhrawardy Saheb and he should live under the same roof in the disturbed parts of Calcutta. It would be best to live unprotected by the police or the military. In brotherly fashion they would approach the people and argue with them and tell them that now that the partition had taken place by agreement, there was no longer any reason why the two parties should quarrel. The decision of the Boundary Commission was going to be announced in a day or two, and it was in the fitness of things that all the parties should abide by the decision in a becoming manner. After all, the two parties had appointed an arbitration tribunal. They were in honour bound to abide by the award, whatever it was.

His proposal to Shaheed Saheb Suhrawardy was of such an important nature that he could not afford to give a hasty reply. The speaker, therefore, had asked him to consult his aged father as well as his daughter before coming to a decision. During the afternoon, Mr. Osman, ex-Mayor of Calcutta, had arrived with Mr. Suhrawardy's message, stating that the latter had accepted the speaker's proposal without reservation. It was now time, therefore, for them to choose quarters in the midst of the worst affected areas and see what could be done by joint effort. Gandhi observed that he was warned that Shaheed Saheb was not to be relied upon. The same thing was said about himself also. He was described as the worst enemy of Islam. And he was supposed to be a consummate hypocrite. God alone knew men's hearts. He asserted that he spoke and acted as he believed. He had known Suhrawardy Saheb since the days of the Faridpore Conference, to which the late Deshbandhu had taken him. Nobody had any right to prejudge anybody. He would trust, as he expected to be trusted. Both would live under the same roof and would have no secrets from each other. They would together see all the visitors. People should have the courage to speak out the truth under all circumstances and in the presence of those against whom it had to be said.

In the afternoon of August 13, Gandhi arrived at a Muslim residence in Beliaghata. It was a ramshackle building open on all sides to the crowds. He was accompanied by Mr. S. M. Osman, the ex-Mayor and secretary of the Calcutta District Muslim League, and Mr. A. P. Choudhury, the Political Secretary to the Premier of West Bengal. Manu and Ava Gandhi, who were to stay with him, also accompanied Gandhi.

The Premier of the newly formed cabinet for West Bengal, Dr. P. C. Ghosh, told the press that although Gandhi wanted to stay in the disturbed area without the military or the police protection, the Government could not sit idle without arranging such protection. "If not for Gandhiji, we will have to do it for Mr. Suhrawardy," said Dr. Ghosh.

Beliaghata, a filthy locality full of hooligans, had been one of the most disturbed areas of the city. There had been many cases of bomb-throwing, use of fire-arms by private individuals, arson, looting and clashes between rival groups. It had a mixed population of Hindus and Muslims.

A short while after Gandhi had arrived at his new residence, persistent shouts of "Suhrawardy, go back!” were heard at the entrance. The crowd had stopped the car by which Mr. Suhrawardy came. With the help of the police, the car entered the compound and he quietly came near the room where Gandhi had already settled down and was attending to his heavy correspondence. Unlacing the shoes which he left outside, Mr. Suhrawardy entered the room. Gandhi greeted him with a smile. The demonstrators swelled in numbers. Professor Nirmal Kumar Bose, Gandhi's secretary, approached the angry crowd and requested them to. maintain peace and place before Gandhi their grievances. The angry demonstrators refused to hear his pleadings.

Angry young men who were excited volleyed Gandhi with questions: "Why did you not come to us when fire was raging in Hindu homes after August 16th last year? Why don't you go and settle down at Kolootola and Park Circus areas where a large number of Hindu houses are lying vacant and ruined?" Gandhi explained that they should remember that from the August 16th last year up to that day, the whole political structure of India had changed. He was in Calcutta, only on his way to Noakhali, to be there, lest anything happened in that district. He had postponed his departure for Noakhali as Suhrawardy Saheb had flown from Delhi only to say that Calcutta was a raging fire and he should pour a pot of water on it. He thought that by staying on in Calcutta, he could do a lot for the Hindus of Noakhali. He never was an enemy of the Hindus, but to him the Hindus and Muslims were same, brothers, and he wanted as much the Muslims to start living in their homes again, as the Hindus.

There was no ugly incident in Calcutta on August 14. Calm prevailed around Gandhi's Beliaghata residence in marked contrast to the angry demonstrations on the previous day. Arrangements had been made to hold a public prayer in the evening in a near-by park. Mr. Suhrawardy, who was unable to stay with Gandhi the previous night for want of sleeping accommodation, returned there in the morning. During his morning walk, Gandhi inspected some houses destroyed during the disturbances in the immediate neigh bour hood of his residence. Some parties of Hindus and Muslims went round the city, raising slogans of Hindu-Muslim unity and welcoming the new Dominions of India and Pakistan. There were scenes of Hindu-Muslim fraternization in some of the areas that were recently disturbed. Gandhi drove round an area of Beliaghata in the evening to see for himself this picture of fraternization which was reported to him by a number of visitors. On that day, Gandhi addressed a prayer congregation at Beliaghata. It was attended by over ten thousand people. He said that the next day was the fixed day of deliverance from the foreign yoke. It was, therefore, a great day. They were bound to celebrate it. In his opinion, it was a day when both the dominions were to shoulder a heavy burden. He invited everyone to have fast and prayer during the day for the well-being of India and pass it in spinning as much as possible. For, it was hand-spinning that had knit the poor and the rich together, and that had given occupation to the countless men and women who were without occupation. He explained once more the reason for postponing his visit to Noakhali and coming to stay in the present place. He had many warnings against Shaheed Saheb. He was unaffected by the warnings. He was bound to believe his word, as he expected him to accept his word. Let them not think that they were to neglect the parts of Calcutta which were deserted by their Hindu inhabitants and were occupied by the Muslims. They were working for the peace of the whole of Calcutta and he invited his audience to believe with them that if Calcutta returned to sanity and real friendship, then Noakhali and the rest of India would be safe. He mentioned that Shaheed Saheb was in the building but he had with his consent kept himself away from the meeting as he wanted to avoid being the slightest; cause of irritation to the meeting. But he was glad that they had exhibited becoming tolerance and gave him the courage to bring Shaheed Saheb to the meeting. After all, they should live and work together in perfect cooperation, if their difficult mission was to succeed.

"From tomorrow we shall be delivered from the bondage of the British rule,” Gandhi said. "But from midnight today India will be partitioned too. While, therefore, tomorrow will be a day of rejoicing, it will be a day of sorrow as well. It will throw a heavy burden of responsibility upon us. Let us pray to God that He may give us strength to bear it worthily."

6. Birth Of Free India ( 1947 )

ON AUGUST 14, 1947, the Dominion of Pakistan was heralded at Karachi. Jinnah said that "the two Indias are parting as friends and will continue to be friends for ever". At the other end, entire Delhi kept awake to witness the historic event of ushering in the freedom of India at midnight. Unprecedented scenes of enthusiasm were witnessed, inside and outside the Constituent Assembly chamber, where seething and swaying humanity wildly cheered the momentous event, heralded with the blowing of conches and cries of "Mahatma Gandhi-ki- jai".

Rajendra Prasad, the President of the Constituent Assembly, opening the proceedings, recalled in grateful remembrance the services and sacrifices of those countless men and women, known and unknown, who with smiles on their faces walked to the gallows and faced the bullets. He paid tribute and reverence to "Mahatma Gandhi, who has been our beacon light, our guide and philosopher during the last thirty years."

"Long years ago, we had made a trust with destiny, and now the time comes, when we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially," observed Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of India, moving a resolution prescribing an oath for the members in the Constituent Assembly. At the hour of midnight Jawaharlal said: "When the world sleeps, India will awake to life and freedom. A moment comes, which comes but rarely in history, when we step out from the old to the new, when an age ends and when the soul of a nation, long suppressed, finds utterance. It is fitting that at this solemn moment we take the pledge of dedication to the service of India and her people and to the still larger cause of humanity . . ."

Prior to the pledge-taking ceremony, which took place after midnight, Jawaharlal moved the adoption of the text of the pledge in the shape of a motion : "At this solemn moment, when people of India, through suffering and sacrifice, have secured freedom, I, a member of the Constituent Assembly of India, do dedicate myself in all humility to the service of India and her people to the end that this ancient land attain her rightful place in the world and make her full and willing contribution to the promotion of world peace and the welfare of mankind.” The clock struck twelve and one member of the Constituent Assembly blew a conch, an ancient Hindu custom, to herald an auspicious event. Some one shouted it was August 15th and more cheering followed. The President then solemnly read the pledge, which was repeated by all the members, standing. He then proposed that” it should be intimated to the Viceroy that the Constituent Assembly of India has assumed power for the governance of India.”

In a stirring message to the nation, Jawaharlal Nehru said: 'The appointed day has come-the day appointed by destiny-and India stands forth again after long slumber and struggle, awake, vital, free and independent. The past clings on to us still in some measure and we have to do much before we redeem the pledges we have so often taken. Yet the turning point is past, history begins anew for us, the history which we shall live and act, and the others will write about. ”It is a fateful moment for us in India, for all Asia and for the world. A new star rises, the star of freedom in the East, a new hope comes into being, a vision long cherished materializes. May the star never set and that hope never be betrayed. ”We rejoice in that freedom, even though clouds surround us and many of our people are sorrow-stricken and difficult problems encompass us. But freedom brings responsibilities and burdens and we have to face them in the spirit of a free and disciplined people.

”On this day, our first thoughts go to the architect of this freedom, the Father of our Nation who, embodying the old spirit of India, held aloft the torch of freedom and lighted up the darkness that surround us. We have often been unworthy followers of his, and we have strayed from his message, but not only we, but the succeeding generations, will remember this message and bear the imprint in their hearts of this great son of India, magnificent in his faith and strength and courage and humility. We shall never allow that torch of freedom to be blown out however high the wind or stormy the tempest.

"Our next thoughts must be of the unknown volunteers and the soldiers of freedom who without praise or reward, have served India even unto death. "We think also of our brothers and. sisters, who have been cut off from us by political boundaries and who unhappily cannot share at present in the freedom that has come. They are of us and will remain of us, whatever may happen, and we shall be sharers in their good and ill fortune alike.

"The future beckons to us. Whither do we go and what shall be our endeavor? To bring freedom and opportunity to the common man, to the peasants and the workers of India. To fight and end poverty and ignorance and disease. To build up a prosperous, democratic and progressive nation, and to create social, economic and political institutions, which will ensure justice and fullness of life to every man and woman. "We have hard work ahead. There is no resting for anyone of us, till we redeem our pledge in full, till we make all the people of India, what the destiny intended them to be. We are citizens of a great country, on the verge of bold advance, and we have to live up to that high standard. All of us, to whatever religion we may belong, are equally the children of India, with equal rights, privileges and obligations. We cannot encourage the com- munalism or narrowmindedness, for no nation can be great whose people are narrow in thought or in action.

"To the nations and the peoples of the world, we send greetings and pledge ourselves to co-operate with them in furthering peace, freedom and democracy. "And to India, our much loved motherland, ancient, eternal and ever new, we pay our reverent homage and we bind ourselves afresh to her service. Jai Hind."

On the morning of August 15th, Lord Mountbatten announced in the Constituent Assembly: "I have the honour to be the Governor-General of independent India. I am your servant." "At this historic hour,” he added, "let us not forget all that India owes to Mahatma Gandhi, the architect of her freedom through non-violence. We must miss his presence here today and would have him know how much he is in our thoughts."

Soul-stirring scenes of national rejoicings marked by unique demonstration of Hindu-Muslim unity were witnessed in Calcutta on August 15th. Vast crowds of Hindus and Muslims freely intermingled with each other, dancing, singing, merry-making together in the streets, from an early hour of the morning till at late hour of the night, reverberated with deafening shouts of "Hindus and Muslims Unite" and "Jai Hind". Gandhi's residence in Beliaghata became a place of pilgrimage for the citizens of Calcutta. All day long, unending stream of people wended their way to his residence and offered their respects to him. There were moving scenes of Hindu-Muslim fraternization in front of his residence.

There were festivities all over the country. But the man who more than anyone else had been responsible for freeing India from the alien rule did not share in these rejoicings. When an official of the Information and Broadcasting Department of the Government of India came for a message, Gandhi stated that "he had run dry." When told again that if he did not give any message, it would not be good, he replied : "There is no message at all. If it is bad, let it be so." When a representative of the B. B. C. came for a message, which would be broadcast all over the world, retorted Gandhi tersely: "I must not yield to the temptation. You must forget that I know English." Gandhi observed the Independence Day by fasting and spinning and there was no special ceremony on the occasion in his camp. He observed "Mahadev Desai Day" early in the morning, by holding prayers which included the recitation of the whole of the Gita.

He insisted on walking to the prayer meeting which was held at Rash Bagan Maidan in Beliaghata. The crowd of over thirty thousand people through which he was to pass was so dense that what was five minutes' walk took nearly twenty minutes to cover. In his prayer speech he congratulated Calcutta on the Hindus and the Muslims meeting together in perfect friendliness. The Muslims shouted the same slogans of joy as the Hindus. They flew the tricolour flag without the slightest hesitation. And what was more, the Hindus were admitted to mosques and the Muslims were admitted to temples. This news reminded the speaker of the Khilafat days when the Hindus and the Muslims fraternized with one another. If this exhibition was from the heart and was not a momentary impulse, it was better than the Khilafat days. The simple reason for it was that they had both drunk the poison cup of disturbances. The nectar of friendliness should, therefore, taste sweeter than before. He was, however, worried to hear that, in a certain locality, the Muslims experienced molestation. He hoped that Calcutta, including Howrah, would be entirely free from the communal virus forever. And then, indeed, they need have no fear about East Bengal and the rest of India. He was very sorry to hear that madness still raged in Lahore. He could hope and feel sure that the noble example of Calcutta, if it was sincere, would affect the Punjab and other parts of India. He then referred to Chittagong. Rain was no respecter of persons. It engulfed both the Muslims and Hindus. It was the duty of the whole of Bengal to feel one with the sufferers of Chittagong.

Gandhi then referred to the fact that the people realizing that India was free, took possession of the Government House and in affection besieged their new Governor Rajaji. He would be glad, if it meant only a token of the people's power. But he would be sick and sorry if the people thought that they could do what they liked with the Government and other property. That would be criminal lawlessness. He hoped, therefore, that they had of their own accord vacated the Governor's palace as readily as they had occupied it. He would warn the people that now that they were free, they would use. the freedom with wise restraint. The people should know that they were to treat the Europeans who stayed in India with the same regard as they would expect for themselves. They all must know that they were masters of no one but of themselves. They must not compel anyone to do anything against his will.

After evening prayers he broke his twenty-four-hour fast which he had started on Thursday evening in observance of the Independence Day. His face beamed with joy when Dr. P. C. Ghosh told him about the unique demonstrations of Hindu-Muslim fraternization in the city. During the night, he made a tour of the city to witness the scenes of fraternization with his own eyes.

On August 16 he wrote an editorial on "Miracle or Accident”: "Shaheed Saheb Suhrawardy and I are living together in a Muslim manz.il in Beliaghata where the Muslims have been reported to be sufferers. We occupied the house on Wednesday, the 13th instant, and on the 14th it seemed as if there never had been bad blood between the Hindus ahd the Muslims. In their thousands, they began to embrace one another and they began to pass freely through places which were considered to be points of danger by one party or the other. Indeed, the Hindus were taken to masjids by their Muslim brethren and the Muslims were taken by their Hindu brethren to mandirs. And both with one voice shouted 'Jai Hind* and 'Hindu-Muslims! Be One.' As I have said above, we are living in a Muslim's house and the Muslim volunteers are attending to our comforts with the greatest attention. The Muslim volunteers do the cooking. Many were eager to come from the Khadi Pratisthan for attendance, but I prevented them. I was determined that we should be fully satisfied with whatever the Muslim brothers and sisters were able to give for our creature comforts* and I must say that the determination has resulted in unmixed good. Here in the compound, numberless Hindus and Muslims continue to stream in shouting favorite slogans. One might almost say that the joy of fraternization is leaping up from hour to hour.

"Is this to be called a miracle or an accident. By whatever name it may be described, it is quite clear that all the credit that is given to me from all sides is quite undeserved ; nor can it be said to be deserved by Shaheed Saheb. This sudden upheaval is not the work of one or two men. We are toys in the hands of God. He makes us dance to His tune. The utmost, therefore, that a man can do is to refrain from interfering with the dance and that he should tender full obedience to his Maker's will. Thus considered, it can be said that, in this miracle, He has used us two as His instruments and as for myself I only ask whether the dream of my youth is to be realized in the evening of my life.

"For those who have full faith in God, this is neither a miracle nor an accident. A chain of events can be clearly seen to show that the two were being prepared, unconsciously to themselves, for fraternization. In this process, our advent on the sccne enabled the onlooker to give us credit for the consummation of the happy event.

"Be that as it may, the delirious happenings remind me of the early days of the Khilafat movement. The fraternization then burst on the public as a new7 experience. Moreover, we had then Khilafat and swaraj as our twin goals. Today, we have nothing of the kind. We have drunk the poison of mutual hatred and so this nectar of fraternization tastes all the sweeter, and the sweetness should never, wear out. "In the present exuberance one hears also the cry of Long Live Hindustan and Pakistan' from the joint throats of the Hindus and the Muslims. I think, it is quite proper. Whatever was the cause for the agreement, the three parties accepted Pakistan. If then the two arc not enemies, one of the other, and here evidently they are not, surely there is nothing wrong in the above cry. Indeed, if the two have become friends, not to wish long life to both the states would probably be an act of disloyalty."

At the prayer meeting on August 16, there were nearly fifty thousand people. And consequently, there was noise, where the pressure was felt. Gandhi, therefore, stopped the usual bhajan and refused to speak, if the noise did not subside. He requested Shaheed Saheb Suhrawardy to speak with his powerful voice. He spoke and the vast audience listened to him in silence and punctuated his remarks with applause when he lustily shouted "Jai Hind" and said he was proud to be a loyal inhabitant of West Bengal. He was then followed by Gandhi. Gandhi expressed his pleasure that, at the Chittaranjan Seva Sadan, the national flag was hoisted by an elderly Harijan mehtarani, who was faithfully serving the institution. Similarly, for a district Congress Committee, of which he had forgotten the name for the moment, a Harijan girl performed the flag-hoisting ceremony. This was along the right lines and was in keeping with the present fraternal spirit of Calcutta. He hoped that the spirit was permanent and that there would be no trace of untouchability or inequality in Hinduism and that Hindus and Muslims being from the same God would never quarrel among one another. If this spirit persisted, it would spread throughout the length and breadth of India. Then there would be no fear of disturbance in Noakhali, or the Punjab.

On August 17 he wrote an article on "An Indian Governor” : "In construing the word India here, it includes both Hindustan and Pakistan. Hindustan may mean the country of Hindus, strictly so called, Pakistan may mean the country of Muslims. Both the uses are, in my opinion, irregular. Hence, I have purposely used the word Hindustan. "Khilafat-Swaraj-Non-co-operation Resolution of 1920 passed in Calcutta at the Special Session of the Congress, which has brought freedom from the British yoke, was for both the Hindus and the Muslims, designed to induce self-purification, so as to bring about non-co-operation between forces of evil and those of good. Hence- "1. An Indian Governor should, in his own person and in his surroundings, be a teetotaler. Without this, the prohibition of the fiery liquid is well-nigh inconceivable. "2. He and his surroundings should represent hand-spinning as a visible token of identification with the dumb millions of India, a token of the necessity of bread labour and organized non-violence, as against organized violence, on which the society of today seems to be based.

"3. He must dwell in a cottage, accessible to all, though easily shielded from gaze, if he is to "do efficient work. The British Governor naturally represented the British might. For him and his, was erected a fortified residence-a large palace to be occupied by him and his numerous vassals who sustained his empire. The Indian prototype may keep somewhat pretentious buildings for receiving the princes and ambassadors of the world. For these, being guests of the Governor, should constitute an education in what even 'Unto This Last', equality of all, should mean in concrete terms. For him, no expensive furniture, foreign or indigenous. Plain living and high thinking must be his motto, not to adorn his entrance, but to be exemplified in daily life.

”4. For him there can be no untouchability in any form whatsoever, no caste or creed or colour distinction. He must represent the best of all religions and all things, eastern or western. Being a citizen of India, he must be a citizen of the world. Thus simply, one reads, did the Caliph Omar, with millions of treasure at his feet, live; thus lived Janaka of ancient times ; thus lived, as I saw him, the Master of Eton, in his residence, in the midst of and surrounded by the sons of the Lords and Nabobs of the British Isles. Will the Governors of India of the famished millions do less! ”5 He will speak the language of the province of which he is the Governor, and Hindustani, tRe lingua franca of India written in the Nagari or the Urdu script. This is neither Sanskritized Hindi nor Persianized Urdu. Hindustani is emphatically the language which is spoken by the millions, north of the Vindhya range.

"This does not pretend to be an exhaustive list of the virtues that an Indian Governor should represent. It is merely illustrative.

"One would expect that the Britishers who have been chosen by Indian representatives as Governors and who have taken the oath of fealty to India and her millions would endeavour, as far as possible, to live the life an Indian Governor is expected to live. They will represent the best that their country has to give to India and the world." "Have not the Congress leaders virtually buried Gandhi alive?" asked a correspondent. Gandhi said in reply: "I cling to the hope that I am not yet buried alive. The hope rests on the belief that the masses have not lost faith in his idols. When it is proved that they have, they will be lost and then I can be said to have been buried alive. But so long as my faith burns bright, as I hope it will, even if I stand alone, I shall be alive in the grave and, what is more, speaking from it." Addressing the prayer meeting on August 17, attended by over a lakh of people, Gandhi stated that it was well for Shaheed Saheb Suhrawardy to say sweet things. They were justified. There was no exaggeration in his speech. But he felt bound to draw attention to certain disturbing things. They should not be drowned in the pardonable exuberance they were witnessing. There were isolated spots in Calcutta, where it was not all well. He had heard that in one spot the Hindu residents were not prepared to welcome back Muslim residents, who were obliged to leave their place. All this was bad. It was like a bad boil in an otherwise wholesome body. If the boils were not looked after in time, they might poison the body.

Then Gandhi mentioned a letter he had received from Mr. Bahar, the secretary of the Muslim League. Mr. Bahar had made a suggestion about a joint influential committee going to the East and West Bengal and consolidate the good work being done in Calcutta. The speaker hoped that the suggestion would be quickly acted upon. And another suggestion was that the havoc caused by the flood in the East Bengal should be a joint concern of the Hindus and Muslims. He agreed and he hoped that there would be a body of Hindu and Muslim workers, who would tackle the subject efficiently. Both grain and workers were wanted more than money. The Mayor of Calcutta had sent him a cheque for Rs. 15,000, in aid of relief. He was thankful for the cheque. He would see to it that it was well employed.

He then referred to Chandernagore from which the news was received that the Administrator's house was surrounded by those who called themselves satyagrahis but were, in fact, duragrahis, if the statement received by him was true. It was suggested that he had approved of the step. He must assert that it was wholly untrue. Some persons had come to him and he had said that this was no time for satyagraha. There never could be any for duragraha. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru was there to look after such affairs. After all, the French were a great people, lovers of liberty. They must not be subjected to any strain by India, which had now come in possession of liberty. India was bound to protect the French possessions in India against any untoward action by the Indians. He was glad that the chief minister had proceeded to Chandernagore to find out the truth and do what he could.

He dealt with the way in which the people were treating the police who were posted to protect Shaheed Saheb and him. It was most improper to disregard the police instructions. He had seen the police undertaking their very difficult task With exemplary patience and courtesy. It was wrong for the crowds to take the law in their own hands. That way lay slavery, not freedom. He warned the public that he was thinking of approaching the authorities to withdraw their forces, for he did not like them to be subjected to insult for doing a public duty. He, however, expected that the crowd would become orderly, so that the contemplated withdrawal might not be necessary. The police and the military today were, after all, the servants of the public and not their masters.

In conclusion, Gandhi referred to the forthcoming Id celebration. For twenty years, in South Africa, he had participated in the celebration with Muslim friends in the masjids. Now that a flood of goodwill was sweeping over the city of Calcutta, he expected everyone to take such steps, as would render the friendly feeling permanent. It was easy to share in a rising tide of emotion; but then it was quite another matter to produce constructive workers, who would toil from day to day, in order to consolidate the feeling. He would love to see such work in the city, for he was sure that its effect would then be felt by the rest of the country. If they failed to do this, he warned them, today's freedom would prove only a nine days' wonder. The Id fell on Monday, August 18. It gave the Hindus and Muslims another opportunity to be nearer each other and establish happy relationship between the two communities. From all the areas of the city, gaily attired Muslims, in their thousands, attended the morning congregational prayer on the maidan. Simultaneously, prayers were held in Nakhoda and other mosques in the city and in many places they had gifts of sweets and fruits from Hindus, who in many other ways associated themselves with the Id celebration. The Hindus and Muslims exchanged fraternal greetings and several organizations arranged intercommunal dinners.

The Muslims carrying the tricolour flags went to Gandhi's Beliaghata residence in the morning and greeted him with "Id Mubarak”. He also received a number of Id presents from Muslims and in his turn distributed fruits to those who came to greet him. As he was then observing his weekly silence, Gandhi wrote on a piece of paper: "I send my Id greetings to all my Muslim brethren." Throughout the day, there was free mixing of Hindus and Muslims in every thoroughfare, in trams, buses and cinema houses. The biggest mixed gathering of the day, however, was witnessed in the evening, when Gandhi addressed about three lakhs of Hindus and Muslims on the maidan.

Under a canopy, Gandhi sat surrounded by the leaders of both the communities. Dr. P. C. Ghosh, the chief minister, greeted the gathering with "Id Mubarak”. Mr. Suhrawardy extended on behalf of his community his hands of cooperation to the Hindus.

Gandhi broke his weekly silence at 7.10 p.m. at the prayer meeting. In a short speech, he wished the vast gathering "Id Mubarak". He also made a reference to his visit in Barrackpore, where the Hindus and Muslims had assured him that they would settle their quarrel and that they did not like to give him trouble about this. There was a small gathering of the local students at Gandhi's residence in Beliaghata. Gandhi first asked them if any of them had taken a part in the riots, to which they replied in the negative. Whatever they had done was in self-defence ; hence it was no part of the riot. This gave Gandhi an opportunity of speaking on some of the vital problems connected with nonviolence. He observed that mankind had all along tried to justify violence and war in terms of unavoidable self-defence. It was a simple rule that the violence of the aggressor could only be defeated by superior violence of the defender. All over the world, men had thus been caught in mad race for armaments, and no one yet knew, at what point of time, the world would be really safe enough for turning the sword into the plough. Mankind, he said, had not yet mastered the true art of self-defence.

But the great teachers, who had practised what they had preached, had successfully shown that true defence lay along the path of non-retaliation. It might sound paradoxical. But this is what he meant. Violence always thrived on counter violence. The aggressor always had a purpose behind his attack ; he wanted something to be done, some object to be surrendered by the defender. Now, if the defender steeled his heart and was determined not to surrender even an inch, and, at the same time, to resist the temptation of matching the violence of the aggressor by violence, the latter could be made to realize in a short while, that it would not be paying to punish the other party and his will could not be imposed in that way. This would involve suffering. It was this unalloyed self-suffering which was the truest form of self-defence which knew no surrender.

But then someone might well ask that if through such non-resistance, the defender was likely to lose his life, how could it be called self-defence? Jesus lost his life on the Cross, and the Roman Pilate won. He did not agree. Jesus had won, as the world's history had abundantly shown. What did it matter if the body was dissolved in the process, so long as by Jesus' act of nonresistance, the forces of good were released in society? This art of true self-defence by means of which man gained his life by losing it, had been mastered and exemplified in the history of individuals. The method had not been perfected for application by large masses of mankind. India's satyagraha was a very imperfect experiment in that direction. Hence, during the Hindu-Muslim quarrel it proved a failure on the whole.

The Kasturba trainees of Bengal came to meet Gandhi from their camp at Sahcbnagar. The question which he took up for discussion was asked by one of the trainees: In view of the resistance encountered from the rural people and the numerous disappointments which they all had to face, how would he advise them to proceed, so that success could be ensured? Gandhi began by saying that he was glad that a very fundamental question had been raised. He had, however, only one answer for it.

The education through which India had passed for more than a century was essentially designed for a particular purpose. In order to feed the interests of capitalism, the entire economic life of India had been changed, the city had become the centre of gravity and not the village ; the village had been dethroned from its position of supremacy and virtually been converted into a slum and kept as far away from the city as practicable. The educational system had been planned to supply the needs of this lop-sided economy. if, now, we wanted to create a new India, then our outlook must be changed altogether. Democracy had to be built up inch by inch in economic, social and political life. And considering the magnitude of the task, it would naturally require a very stout heart to grapple with the problem.

To the trainees, his advice was one. They must be brave, intelligent and persevering. The villagers might not readily respond and they might even prove hostile. Many interests would have to be disturbed before the necessary change could be effected. But the non-violent workers should choose the line oflcast resistance. They should suffer in their own person, before they could aspire to gain co-operation of the inert or hostile villagers. Day in and day out, they must persevere at their chosen task, whether it was village.sanitation or the imparting of education to a few children, whom nobody else would care to touch. They might not have the resources to supply their own bread. But even then, through hunger, the trainees must persist without resentment, without bitterness. Then only will their conduct strike the imagination of the villagers and this element of surprise will open the way into their hearts. Once the inert mass has begun to yield, work will make rapid progress. Another trainee then observed that there were no signs of response from the villagers, even after a year of patient work. Gandhi comforted her by saying that one year's work was not enough. We have to sweep aside the accumulated debris of centuries of subjugation. Even a lifetime might not prove enough. If our education had been otherwise, we might not have perhaps yielded so readily to despondence. We have to steel our hearts and look forward to the bright future to enable us to get out of the slough of despond. So long as we persevere, the struggle itself is victory. It was only courage of this kind which could lead India to the new age.

Addressing the readers of Harijan, Gandhi wrote: "It occurs to me that now that freedom from the British rule has come, the Harijan papers are no longer wanted. My views remain as they are. In the scheme of reconstruction for free India, its villages should no longer depend, as they are now doing, on its cities, but the cities should exist only for and in the interest of the villages. Therefore, the charkha should occupy the proud position of the centre, round which all the life-giving village industries would revolve.. But this seems to be receding into the background. The same thing can be said of many other things of which I used to draw a tempting picture. I can no longer dare to do so. My life has become, if possible, more tempestuous than before. Nor can I at present claim any place as a permanent habitation. The columns are predominantly filled by my after-prayer speeches. In the original, I contribute on an average only one and half columns per week. This is hardly satisfactory. I would like, therefore, the readers o{ Harijan weeklies to give me their frank opinion as to whether they really need their Harijan weekly to satisfy their political or spiritual hunger.” Professor Stuart Nelson, who had come to meet Gandhi before he left for America, asked Gandhi why it was that the Indians, who had more or less successfully gained independence through the peaceful means, were now unable to check the tide of civil war through the same means? Gandhi replied that it was indeed a searching question which he must answer. He confessed that it had become clear to him that what he had mistaken for satyagraha was not satyagraha but passive resistance, a weapon of the weak. The Indians harboured ill will and anger against their erstwhile rulers, while they pretended to resist them non-violently. Their resistance was, therefore, inspired by violence, not by regard for the man in the British, whom they should convert through satyagraha. Now that the British, were quitting India, apparent non-violence had gone to pieces in a moment. The attitude of violence which we had secretly harboured, in spite of the restraint imposed by the Congress, now recoiled upon us and made us fly at each other's throats, when the question of the distribution of power came up. If India could now discover a way of sublimating the force of violence which had taken a communal turn, and turning it into constructive peaceful ways, whereby differences of interests could be liquidated, it would be a great day indeed.

Gandhi then proceeded to say that many English friends had warned him that the so-called non-violent non-co-operation of India was not really non-violent. It was the passivity of the weak and not the non-violence of the stout in heart, who would never surrender their sense of human unity and brotherhood even in the midst of conflict of interests, who would ever try to convert and not cocrcc their adversary.

He admitted that this was indeed true. He had all along laboured under an illusion. But he was never sorry for it. He realized that if his vision was not covered by that illusion, then India would never have reached the point which it had today. India was now free and the reality was now clearly revealed to him. Now that the burden of subjection had been lifted, all the forces of good had to be marshalled in one great effort to build a country which forsook the accustomed method of violence, in order to settle human conflicts, whether they were between two states or between two sections of the same people. He had yet the faith that India would rise to the occasion and prove to the world that the birth of two new states would be not a menace, but a blessing to the rest of mankind. It was the duty of free India to perfect the instrument of non-violence for dissolving collective conflicts, if its freedom was going to be really worthwhile.

7. Victory Over Evil ( 1947 )

EVERY DAY, in one quarter of Calcutta or another, the same question had been cropping up, how can we trust Muslims, how can we trust Shaheed Suhrawardy, after the bitter things we have experienced for one whole year? Gandhi, unfailingly, tried to lift the people from this way of looking at things to political sanity.

Speaking to a group of students, Gandhi remarked that they should remember that the Muslim League was fighting for a political objective, the establishment of Pakistan. The rest of India was against the vivisection; its aim was to preserve India undivided. Whatever the cause actuating the parties, they, the British Government, the Congress, the Muslim League and the Sikhs ultimately accepted the partition of India. Having got Pakistan, the Qaid-e-Azam said that in Pakistan, there was equality of treatment for all-Muslims and all minorities- the Congress claiming likewise. Gandhi had been drawing pointed reference at every public meeting, or among every group, where opportunity presented itself, that now that the struggle for Pakistan and the Akhand Hindustan was over, we must settle down to the reality that in each state the Hindus and the Muslims had to live together as common citizens. If any of them still swore by the past, it would not help but hinder us in our forward march. We must accept facts and try to convert every citizen into a worthy member of either state. If we treated the Muslims in the Indian Union as aliens, who had fought for Pakistan, and tried to keep them in subjection, we would only succeed in proving our political bankruptcy. Today, they were no less citizens of the Union than anyone else. Musalmans had accepted the fact of their Indian citizenship, and as proof of that, everyone of them, from Shaheed Saheb Suhrawardy downwards, had been lustily shouting "Jai Hind”.

Addressing the prayer congregation at Beliaghata on August 19, Gandhi apologized for being over an hour late. His party was not at fault. Because of the misdeeds of the majority, who were Hindus, Dr. Prafulla Ghosh and Shaheed Saheb, he and the others had to go to Kanchrapara. Then, on return, they were stopped by some parties, who wanted to acclaim their joy. This sort of acclamation, if it was not tempered with restraint, would kill their leaders and they would deplore the embarrassing affection. He then warned the people against being unduly elated by the fraternization that they were now witnessing in Calcutta. Behind it, there were pointers like Barrackpore and Kanchrapara and the other places he could mention. He would not let them plead excuse or extenuation. There was neither excuse, nor extenuation, for the majority in Pakistan or Hindustan. If the Hindu majority treasured their religion and their duty, they would be just at all cost. They would overlook the limitations or the mistakes of the minority, who had no one but the majority to look to for justice. He had to listen not without shame and sorrow to the statement that a Muslim friend made to him. He said with a sigh that there was nothing left but a kind of subjection to the Hindu majority and the Muslims might have to suffer in silence the playing of music before the mosques, whilst they were offering prayers. He would have no such despair on the part of the Muslims. The friend, who made the remark, did not realize that he unconsciously implied that the Muslim majority would inflict revenge in Pakistan. The speaker hoped, it would never be so, either in Hindustan or in Pakistan. The proper thing was for each majority to do "their duty in all humility, irrespective of what the other majority did in the other state. He suggested, therefore, that until the Prime Ministers of Pakistan and the Indian Union agreed upon another course in both the states, the practice that was followed during the British regime, often under compulsion, should be fully and voluntarily followed in both the states. Those who thought that they could haughtily impose their will on the minority were foolish and were vastly mistaken. If, therefore, they wanted to consolidate the prevailing goodwill, they would see to it that they acted on the square .under all circumstances. On August 20 the prayer meeting was held at Khengrapati, which was indeed a unique scene in fraternization. More than four lakhs of people of all classes and communities attended the meeting. People failing to go near the venue of the prayer meeting, thronged round on the roofs of the adjoining buildings. Hundreds of people were seen climbing on all the available trees in the area.

Gandhi stated that he had received several letters to the effect that, now that there was peace in Calcutta, he should go to the Punjab. He replied that when God called him, he would most certainly go there. But the Prime Ministers of both the dominions had announced that their major preoccupation would be to restore complete peace in the Punjab. They would use every resource at their disposal to establish peace.and they would mobilize the public opinion of the Punjab. And this should be enough for them to hope that things in the Punjab would be as good as in Calcutta.

Referring to the Central Peace Committee, Gandhi said that it should consolidate the results so far achieved. They all had to see that the poor Muslims were rehabilitated, just as the Hindus had to be rehabilitated in the areas from which they had been evacuated. The local peace committees should be set up in each mahalla, and they must find at least one Hindu and one Muslim of clean heart to work together. The local peace committees must tour the areas under their jurisdiction. They should work to create the feeling of friendliness, wherever it was lacking. For the purpose of rehabilitation, local peace committees would have to go into details. Food, shelter and clothings had to be found for the evacuees returning to their homes. It would be a great day indeed for Calcutta, if its men and women cooperated in this manner to consolidate their good feelings, which had been so much, in evidence during the last few days. In this task, all the parties were to co-operate. For now that all the parties concerned had come to an agreement with regard to the division of India into two dominions, there was no longer any reason to quarrel and they could join hands in the task of restoring peaceful conditions.

The following day he drew attention to the joint flags of Pakistan and the Indian Union that were being prominently flown in the prayer meeting attended by seven lakhs of people and he hoped that that pleasing sight would be universal in India. He was glad that Shaheed Suhrawardy Saheb had suggested the revival of the slogan "Hindu-Muslim-ki jai' for it was st arted during the palmy Khilafat days. He then recalled the memory of the old days when a Muslim fellow prisoner used to sing Iqbal's "Hindostan Hamara". The words of Iqbal's poem were indeed as sweet as the tune. And among therri, what could be sweeter than that religion never taught mutual hatred? He hoped and prayed that the beginning thus auspiciously made would last forever and that they would never appeal to the sword for the solution of their difficulties. If that was to be so, they would see that no untoward incidents were allowed to happen and flimsy things were not exaggerated so as to make them look like a communal disturbance, as had come to his notice even that very day. Lastly, he referred to the award of the umpire in the Boundary Commission. The umpire was chosen by all the parties to the dispute. It would be unjust and unworthy to impute motives to the umpire. He was specially invited by the parties to the thankless task. The parties and the public they represented, were loyally to abide by the award. No award that he knew- and he had to do with many arbitrations-completely satisfied the parties. But once haying made the choice, they were bound to carry out the terms of the award. No doubt, the best way was for them to adjust the differences themselves. And this royal road was open to them any time as Nazimuddin Saheb and Dr. Ghosh, the two Premiers, had wisely pointed out. He knew that the Muslims of Murshidabad and of Malda were severely disappointed as the Hindus in Khulna or Gopalganj, and the Buddhists in the Chittagong Hill tracts. The latter had gone to East Bengal. He would say to all these parties that now it was not only foolish but unbecoming to quarrel over the award. It should not matter that on the 15th, the day was celebrated according to the national divison. If he had been consulted, he would have advised non-celebration," because of the state of uncertainty.

On August 23, Gandhi referred to the cry of Allah-O-Akbar to which some Hindus objected. He held that it was probably a cry than which a greater one had not been produced by the world. It was a soul-stirring religious cry which meant God only was great. There was nobility in the meaning. Did the cry become objectionable, because it was Arabic? He admitted that it had in India a questionable association. It often terrified the Hindus, because sometimes the Musalmans in anger come out of the mosques with that cry on their lips to belabour the Hindus. He confessed that the original had no such association. So far as he was aware, the cry had no such association in the other parts of the world. If therefore, there was to be a lasting friendship between the two, the Hindus should have no hesitation in uttering the cry together with their Muslim friends. God was known by many names and He had many attributes. Rama and Rahim, Krishna and Karim, were all names of the one God. "Sat Shri Akal” was an equally potent cry. Should a single Muslim or Hindu hesitate to utter it? It meant that God was and nothing else was. The Ramdhun had the same virtue. He then came to "Bande Mataram". That was no religious cry. It was a purely political cry. The Congress had to examine it. A reference was made to Gurudev about it. And both the Hindu and the Muslim members of the Congress Working Committee had to come to the conclusion that its opening lines were free from any possible objection, and he beseeched that it should be sung together by all on due occasion. It should never be a chant to insult or to offend the Muslims. It was to be remembered that it was the cry that had fired political Bengal. Many Bengalis had sacrificed their lives for the political freedom with that cry on their lips. Though, therefore, he felt strongly about "Bande Mataram" as an ode to Mother India, he advised his League friends to refer the matter to the League High Command. He would be surprised, if in view of the growing friendliness between the Hindus and the Muslims, the Muslim League High Command objected to the prescribed lines of "Bande Mataram", the national song and national cry of Bengal, which sustained her when the rest of India was almost asleep and which was, so far as he was aware, acclaimed bv both the Hindus and the Muslims of Bengal. No doubt, every act must be purely voluntary on the part of either partner. Nothing could be imposed in true friendship.

He then referred to a deputation he had from the Punjabi friends, who had drawn a terrible picture of what was said to be going on in the Punjab and who on the strength of the information requested him immediately to proceed to the Punjab. They had informed him that before the killing and arson in the Punjab, what had happened in Bengal was nothing. Lahore was almost denuded of the Hindus and the Sikhs, as was Amritsar of the Musalmans. He only hoped that the information was highly coloured. The Punjabis of Calcutta could not know the true situation in the Punjab. Be that as it may, he was sure that if the Hindus, the Sikhs and the Muslims of Calcutta were sincere in their professions of friendship, they would all write to their fellowmen in the Punjab and implore them to desist from mutual slaughter. The declarations of the Dominion Premiers could not go in vain. He could not believe that the Punjab leaders would not like any non-Muslims in the Pakistan part and non-Hindus and nonTSikhs in the other part. The logical consequence would then be that there would be no gurudwaras and mandirs in the West Punjab and no mosques in the East Punjab. The picture was too gruesome to be ever true.

Lastly he referred to the Nationalist Muslims who had gone to see him. They twitted him for giving importance and life to the Muslim League and neglecting the Nationalist Muslims. But lie could not plead guilty to either charge. The Muslim League had gained importance without his or the Congress aid. The Muslim League became great because, rightly or wrongly, it caught Muslim fancy. The Congress and he had to deal with and recognize the fact that faced them. He was not sorry for having visited Qaid-e-Azam Jinnah eighteen times in Bombay. His friends should also know that he alone could have done nothing without Shaheed Saheb Suhrawardy and Osman Saheb and the other League members. There was no question of neglect of the Nationalist Muslims. Nationalism of a man was its own merit. It demanded no recognition. He would advise them to remain what they were and exhibit courage, self-sacrifice and true knowledge, born of study, and he was certain that, whether they were few or many, they would make their mark on India's future. He would even ask them to join the Muslim League and stoutly oppose it from within, whenever they found it to be reactionary. Whilst he said all this, he would advise the Muslim Leaguers to approach the Nationalist Muslims in a friendly spirit, whether they remained out or came in. True friendship did not admit of exclusion, without the soundest reason.

Gandhi was given a civic reception by the Calcutta Corporation on the Maidan on August 24. Paying tribute to him, the mayor said: "You are the symbol of truth and non-violence. You have freed Mother India from her bondage, you have conquered hatred and established peace.” Gandhi held his evening prayer after the reception and delivered his message.

Gandhi observed that he could not help recalling the late Dr. P. C. Roy under whose roof he had lived for one month in 1901. When he was with the late Deshbandhu Das, he used to see him with a few scientists engaged in very lively but strictly scientific conversation under the shadow of the Octerlony Monument, near which they had met. That was their recreation. He asked him whether they had any drinks or eatables. Dr. Roy most emphatically said ”No”. Their food and drink consisted of their instructive as distinguished from idle conversation.

Referring to the address, Gandhi replied that this was the third time he was receiving an address from Calcutta Corporation. The first was given to him by the late Deshbandhu Das when he was the mayor. Then at the hands of Nalini Babu, when he was the mayor. He recalled the fact that the caskets were then auctioned in the interest of the Harijans. He hoped that this casket too would be sold in the same interest by the mayor.

He would repeat what he had said in answer to the first civic address: he could not be satisfied till Calcutta had become the premier city in the world for sanitation. He included in this the sanitation of the streets in Calcutta, which was absent today. The citizens should have healthy minds in healthy bodies. Then they would have no goondas, no vagabonds, no drunkards. If the mortality in Calcutta was to be reduced, it should be flowing with clean milk. Today, it was a most difficult commodity to procure. Then he would expect the corporators, by honest application, to put the friendship between the Hindus and the Muslims on a permanent footing.

Gandhi stated that he had a message from Khwaja Saheb Nazimuddin that he should help'in procuring at least 500 tons of rice out of the shipment that was coming from Burma. The need was so urgent that the ship with the rice should be diverted to Ghittagong to deliver the 500 tons. He gladly associated himself with the request and he hoped that Dr.-Rajendra Prasad would, if it was at all possible, allow 500 tons of the precious cargo to be delivered at the Chittagong port.

In this connection, he could not help mentioning the complaint that the petty officials in charge of flood relief confined the distribution to Muslim sufferers only. He-hoped the news was not true. If unfortunately it was, he had 110 doubt that the ministers and high officials would redress the wrong. If the two dominions were to live creditably and as friends, the communal spirit would be wholly purged. It was up to the Hindu and Muslim leaders to see that the seeds of poison that were sown, while they were fighting, would be removed forthwith-. Then he deplored the fact that the Muslims in government services, when the choice was offered to them, preferred Pakistan, and the Hindus the Indian Union. The choice was made, he did not doubt, in haste. He indeed would be sorry to find that the communal virus had entered the services. He advised that the two Prime Ministers should confer with each other and if it was at all honestly possible, the services shpuld be given the opportunity to reconsider their choice. It would indeed be a sorry thing for India if the Hindu officials could not be trusted by the Muslims and vice versa. Much would depend upon the leaders who influenced the services and the public.

He had heard that Khulna was to celebrate its entry into Pakistan. The speaker deplored such celebration after the award. But he was consoled by Shaheed Suhrawardy Saheb that the celebration would be joint and that the Hindus were associating with it. Nevertheless, he could not regard the example with happiness. The jubilant parties ought to restrain themselves, as the aggrieved ones should accept the award with perfect resignation. The award must be regarded as final, except to the extent that the ministers of the two dominions agreed to vary it for the mutual satisfaction of the parties concerned. There was no other worthy or gentlemanly way.

On August 25, Gandhi referred to the disturbances in Sylhet: "I am sorry that today being my silence day, I cannot speak to you. I have, therefore, to write out what I wish to say to you. I have been speaking every day about the vital duty of the Hindus in West Bengal, who are the majority community, towards their Muslim brethren. This duty they will perform truly, if the Hindus are able to forget the past. We know how all over the world, the enemies have become fast friends. The example of the Britons and the Boers who fought one another strenuously, becoming friends, we all know. There is much greater reason, why the Hindus and the Muslims should become friends. We cannot do that, if we are not great enough to shed all malice.

"This evening I wish to devote to Sylhet. I have received frantic telegrams from Sylhet about the serious riots that have broken out there. The cause of the riots is not known. I am indeed sorry that I am unable to go just now to Sylhet, nor am I vain enough to think that my presence there would immediately abate the mob fury. I know, too, that one should not without peremptory cause abandon his present duty, however humble it may be, in favour of one which may appear to be higher. To adopt the Salvation Army language, we are all soldiers of God to fight the battle of right against wrong, by means which are strictly nonviolent and truthful. As His soldiers, ours is 'not to reason why', ours is 'but to do and die.' "Though, therefore, I am unable to respond to the urgent call of the sufferers of Sylhet, I can appeal, not in vain, to the authorities in East Bengal in general and Sylhet in particular, to put forth their best effort on behalf of the sufferers and deal sternly with the recalcitrants. Now that there is peace between the Hindus and the Musalmans, I am sure, the authorities do not relish these ugly outbreaks. It would be wrong and misleading to underestimate the trouble by calling it the work of the goondas. The minorities must be made to realize that they are as much valued citizens of the state they live in, as the majority. Let the Chief Ministers of the two divisions of Bengal meet often enough and jointly devise means to preserve peace in the two states and to find enough healthy food and clothing for the inhabitants and enough work for the masses in East Bengal and in West Bengal. When the masses, Hindu and Muslim, see their chiefs acting together and working together honestly, courageously and without intermission, the masses living in the two states will take the cue from the leaders and act accordingly. To the sufferers, I would advise bravely to face the future and never to give way to panic. Such disturbances do happen in the lifetime of a people. Manliness demands that there should be ho weakness shown in facing them. Weakness aggravates the mischief, courage abates it.” Gandhi's message was written out in English in order to enable Nirmal Bose easily to render it in Bengali. But, as, owing to heavy rains, Gandhi reached the prayer meeting at six instead of five, and as there were only a few minutes left to break the silence, he was able to speak at the meeting.

Gandhi referred to the visit of the Punjabi friends who pressed him to proceed to the Punjab, as early as possible. He assured them that he was in constant correspondence with Jawaharlal. After all, the Punjab was as much his, as any other part of India; for he claimed to be the servant of the whole of India. Moreover, he had passed six months in that province during the martial law days. He would hasten to the Punjab, as early as necessary. Indeed, he was wanted in Sylhet, in Malda and Murshidabad and in other places. It was not given to any one man to cover all calls upon his time, nor was it healthy to depend upon man's assistance in times of trouble. It was manly and dignified to rely upon God for the dissolution of all troubles. He was the only infallible help, guide and friend.

On August 27, Gandhi said at the prayer meeting that the present was his second visit to Matiaburz. The first was when Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and he visited them years ago, because there was a fight between Hindu and Muslim workmen. Fortunately, when they reached the scene of trouble, it was almost over, but they got undeserved credit. The present visit was indeed a happy occasion. The Hindus and the Musalmans had adjusted their differences and had become friends. He hoped that this was a lasting friendship. He wanted to say a few words to the workmen in the working men's locality. He strongly hoped that there was no distinction between the Hindus and the Muslims in labour. They were all labourers. If the communal canker entered their ranks, both would weaken labour and, therefore, themselves and the country. Labour was a great leveller of all distinctions. And if they realized that truth, the speaker would like them to go a step further. Labour, because it chose to remain unintelligent, either became subservient, or insolently believed in damaging the capitalists' goods and machinery or even in killing the capitalists. He was a labourer by conviction and a bhangi. As such his interests were bound with those of labour. As such he wished to tell them that violence would never save them. They would be killing the goose, that laid the golden eggs. What he had been repeating for years was that labour was far superior to capital. Without labour gold, silver and copper were a useless burden. It was labour which extracted the precious ore from the bowels of the earth. He could quite conceive labour existing without metal. Labour was priceless, not gold. He wanted the marriage between capital and labour. They could indeed work wonders in co-operation. But that could happen only when labour wras intelligent enough to co-operate with itself and then offer co-operation with capital on terms of honourable equality. Capital controlled labour, because capital knew the art of combination. Drops in separation could only fade away, drops in co-operation made the ocean, which carried on its broad bosom the ocean greyhounds. Similarly, if all the labourers in any part of the world combined together, then they could not be tempted by the higher wages or helplessly allow themselves to be attracted for, say, a pittance. A true and non-violent combination of labour would act like a magnet attracting to it all the needed capital. The capitalists would then exist only as trustees. When that happy day dawned, there would be no difference between capital and labour. The labour will have ample food, good and sanitary dwellings, all the necessary education for their children and ample leisure for self-education and proper medical assistance.

Then he talked of the Nationalist Muslims who had sent him a note: "You have expressed the opinion that the Nationalist Muslims should join the Muslim League. Then, does it imply that the Congress has now become a communal organization?" Gandhi said in reply that he was not guilty of asking them to discard nationalism or of expecting the Congress to be another Hindu Sabha. He hoped that the Congress would never commit suicide by being a communal organization. When the Congress ceased to represent all who were proud to call themselves Indians, whether the prince or the pauper, the Hindus, Muslims, or any other, it will have destroyed itself. Therefore, he could not advise a Muslim Congressman to join the Muslim League if the condition of joining the League was to discard or to suppress his Congress membership. He would vote for those resolutions of the Muslim League which were in the nation's interest and against those which were contrary to the nation's interest. He had several Muslims of staunch faith in mind, who were neither in the Congress nor in the Muslim League. He advised the Nationalist Muslims to join the Muslim League if they wanted to affect the Muslim masses. The real nationalists needed no encouragement from him or anyone else. Nationalism, like virtue, was its own reward. His one warning was, that they should never think of power or of bettering their worldly prospects by joining the one or the other organization. A nationalist would ever think of service, never of power or riches. There could be only one President of the Congress or the League.

Presidentship came by merit and strength of service. The Muslim League had become what it was, not by his or Congress cajoling. The Qaid-e-Azam was an able president, whom neither riches nor titles could buy. He was a* front-rank barrister and a rich man. Being the son of a merchant, he knew how to multiply his earnings as a lawyer by wise investments. This acknowledgement did not mean that the speaker liked all his ways, or that the latter had led the Muslims in the right way. He had his differences with the Qaid-e-Azam and the League. But he could not withhold merit, where it was due. It was, he hoped, clear to the Nationalist Muslims under what conditions he advised them to join the League.

On August 28, after prayer, he addressed the students of Calcutta at the University Science College. He said that he had done teaching in his own way from his early youth and probably the very first meeting he addressed after his return to India in 1915 was that of the students. Since then, he had addressed numerous students' meetings throughout his many wanderings in India. He was not new to them nor were they new to him. But of late years, he had ceased to address meetings, as he used to do before. He was, therefore, very glad that he was able to address the students. Their vice- chancellor was good enough to see him about the evening's proceedings. He was nervous about the students' behaviour towards Shaheed Suhrawardy Saheb. He remarked that he would have only the prayer and his usual after-prayer speech. It should not have been so. Everywhere, there appeared to be anarchy in the student world. The students did not tender obedience to their teachers and their vice-chancellor. On the contrary, they expected obedience from their teachers. It was a painful exhibition on the part of those who were to be the future leaders of the nation. They gave an exhibition of unruliness that evening. He was faced with placards in the foreign tongue, depicting his comrade Shaheed Suhrawardy Saheb in unbecoming language. He suggested to them that inasmuch as they had insulted Shaheed Saheb, they had insulted the speaker. Shaheed Saheb could not be insulted by the language used against him. But he could not take up that attitude. The students should be humble and correct.

At the prayer meeting of August 29, "Bande Mataram" was sung and the whole audience, including Shaheed Suhrawardy and other Muslims on the platform, stood up, Gandhi alone keeping seated. Gandhi commenced his prayer speech by congratulating Shaheed Saheb and the other Muslims on standing. He himself purposely kept seated, because he had learnt that the Indian culture did not require standing as a mark of respect when any national song or bhajan was sung. It was an unnecessary importation from the West. A respectable posture on such occasions was the correct attitude. After all, it was the mental attitude that really mattered, not the superficial appearance. He then suggested that there should be one universal notation for "Bande Mataram" if it was to stir millions; it must be sung by millions in one tune and one mode. After all, national songs couid only be two or three. But they should all have their common notation. It was up to the Shantiniketan authorities or some such authoritative society to produce an acceptable notation.

Gandhi then referred to the Christians. He had the pleasure of receiving them the day before. They said that the major communities had taken care of themselves but what was to happen to the Christian Indians? Were they to have no seats in the Governments or the legislatures? He told them that the poisonous favouritism of foreign rule was. dead and gone. Merit should now be the sole test. In a well-ordered society, there should be no minority. Why should they not feel that they were of the forty crores, but not a mere handful born in India, and proud of their birth, were equal in the eye of the law. On the strength of merit and intellectual capacity, self-sacrifice, courage and incorruptibility, a Christian also could be the chief minister without exhibiting greater merit than a Hindu or a Muslim. Religion was a purely personal matter. He expected that what was true of the Indian Union was equally true of Pakistan. He asked his Christian brethren also not to take their Christianity as it was interpreted in the West. There, they knew that they fought with one another, as never before. After all, Jesus was an Asiatic, depicted as wearing the Arabian flowing robe. He was the essence of meekness. He hoped that the Christians of India would express in their lives Jesus, the crucified of the Bible, and not as interpreted in the West with her blood-stained fingers. The speaker had no desire to criticize the West. He knew and valued the many virtues of the West. But he was bound to point out that Jesus of Asia was misrepresented in the West except in individuals.

Then he answered the question whether the minorities would have recognition as religious minorities had. Thus, whether the Bengalis of Bihar, though a minority, would have recognition? This was a ticklish question. In his opinion, an Indian was a citizen of India, enjoying equal rights in every part of India. And, therefore, a Bengali had every right in Bihar, as at Bihari. But, he wished to emphasize that a Bengali must merge in the Bihari. A Bengali must never be guilty of exploiting the Biharis, or feel- jng a stranger, or behaving as a stranger in Bihar. If the speaker brought hh Gtyarat manners in Bengal and imposed himself on the province, he would expect the Bengalis to expel him. And he could not then claim the rights of an Indian as against the Bengalis. All rights flowed from duties, previously and duly performed. One thing he must stress, that in both the dominions the use of force for the assertion of rights must be eschewed altogether, if they were to make any progress. Thus, neither the Bengalis nor the Biharis could assert themselves at the point of the sword, nor could the Boundary Commission award similarly be changed; it was the first lesson to be learnt in a democratic independent India. Their independence was only a fortnight old. Liberty never meant the licence to do anything at will. Independence meant voluntary restraint and discipline, voluntary acceptance of the rule of law in the making of which the whole of India had its hand through its elected representatives. The only force at the disposal of democracy was that of the public opinion.

Satyagraha and civil disobedience and fasts had nothing in common with the use of force, veiled or open. But even these had restricted use in democracy. They could not even think of them, whilst the Governments were settling down and the communal distemper was still stalking from one province to another.

In his prayer discourse at Barasat on August 30, Gandhi observed that this was Shaheed Saheb's constituency. He was, therefore, glad that he was invited to visit Barasat. He had noticed the absence of the Pakistan flag or the Muslim League flag. Why did not the Hindus of Barasat go out of their way to invite their Muslim brethren to fly the Pakistan flag side by side with the tricolour flag? That, however, never meant that the Muslims were to impose the Pakistan flAtg or the Muslim League flag on the Hindus. He would apply the same rule, where the Muslims were in a majority. If a Hindu girl was in their midst, they would encourage the solitary girl to unfurl the tricoldur flag and recite Ramdhun. That was the sure sign of Hindu-Muslim friendship, which then would be capable severest strain upon it. No doubt, they learnt the daily tale of family strife in the Punjab. It had become difficult for the Muslims to live in the East and the Hindus and Sikhs in the West. Was there to be a transfer of crores of population? The way to stem the tide of this savagery and this inhuman conduct was for the Hindus and the Muslims of the two divisions of Bengal to preserve their equanimity intact and to demonstrate by their unbreakable friendship the way for all the communities to live. The way of mutual strife and exclusiveness was the way to perdition and slavery. If there was true heart friendship, he could not understand the objection of Muslims, wherever they were in a majority, to be included in the Western Bengal as in Murshidabad and Malda, or for the Hindu majority to be included in Pakistan. This was indeed a sign not of friendship but of unworthy and mutual distrust.

Although Calcutta was apparently quiet, Gandhi's mind was far from peaceful. After some hesitation, Gandhi decided to proceed to Noakhali by the beginning of September. On the evening of August 31, there was a demonstration against his peace mission. "My resolve to go to Noakhali has collapsed after this evening's happenings," Gandhi said to Pyarelal when he saw him that night. "I cannot go to Noakhali or, for that matter, anywhere, when Calcutta is in flames. Today's incident to me is a sign and a warning from God. You have for the time being to return to Noakhali without me. You can tell the people of Noakhali that if my colleagues for any reason cannot be there, they will find me, surely, in their midst." The next day, Monday, September 1, was his day of silence. Disturbing news continued to pour in. He wrote to Sardar Patel: "Preparations for a fight are today in evidence everywhere. I have just returned after seeing the corpses of two Muslims who have died of wounds. I hear that conflagration has burst out in many places. What was regarded as the ' Calcutta miracle' has proved to be a nine days' wonder. I am wondering what my cjuty is in the circumstances. I am writing this almost at 6 p.m. This letter will leave with tomorrow's post. I shall, therefore, be able to add a postscript to it. There is a wire from Jawahar that I should proceed to the Punjab. How can I go now? I am searching deep within myself. In that silence helps." Several deputations waited on him during the day to consult him as to what they should do to quench the fire. "Go in the midst of the rioters and prevent them from indulging in madness or get killed in the attempt. But don't come back alive to report failure. The situation calls for sacrifice on the part of top rankers. So far, the unknown, nameless, rank and file, alone have been the victims of the holocaust with the one exception of the late Ganesh Shankar Vidyarthi. That rs not enough," he said. Even as he uttered these words, he was cogitating within himself as to where he came into the picture which he was presenting to them. For, he added : "Of course, I cannot do today, what I have told them to do. I will not be permitted to. I saw that yesterday. Everybody will try to protect me from harm, if I went in the midst of the maddened crowd. I may drop down from sheer physical exhaustion-that is nothing. It will not do for a soldier to be exhausted in the midst of battle." When C.

Rajagopalachari, the Bengal Governor, saw him that night, his mind was already made up. "You don't expect me to approve of your proposed step," remarked Rajagopalachari, as he perused Gandhi's statement setting forth his reasons for going on a fast. Together, they took stock of the situation thrashing out the question in the minutest detail.

"Can you fast against the goondas?” argued Rajaji. "The conflagration has been caused not by the goondas, but by those who have become goondas. It is we who make the goondas. Without our sympathy and passive support, goondas would have no legs to stand upon. I want to touch the hearts of those who are behind the goondas," Gandhi remarked.

"But must you launch your fast at this stage? Why not wait and watch a little?" asked Rajaji. Gandhi said: "It would be too late afterwards. The minority Muslims cannot be left in a perilous state. My fast has to be preventive, if it is to be any good. I know that I shall be able to tackle the Punjab too, if I can control Calcutta. But if I falter, the conflagration may spread and soon, I can see clearly, two or three powers will be upon us and thus will end our shortlived dream of independence." "But supposing you die, then the conflagration would be worse," remarked Rajaji. "At least I won't be there to witness it," replied Gandhi. "I shall have done my bit. More is not given a man to do." "But why add sour lemon juice to water, if you are to put yourself entirely in God's hands?" asked Rajaji, as he read that part of the statement where Gandhi had allowed himself that latitude.

"You are right," quickly replied Gandhi. "I have allowed it out of my weakness. It jarred on me even as I wrote it. A satyagrahi must hope to survive his conditional fast by a timely fulfilment of the condition." And so the portion, referring to the addition of sour lime juice to water to be taken during the fast, was scored out and the fast commenced. This was on Monday night, September 1st. Gandhi's press statement said: "I regret to have to report to you that, last night, some young men brought to the compound a bandaged man. He was reported to have been attacked by some Muslims. The Chief Minister had him examined and the report was that he had no marks of stabbing, which he was said to have received. The seriousness of the injury, however, is not the chief point. What I want to emphasize is that these young men tried to become judges and executioners.

"This was about 10 p. m., Calcutta time. The young men began to shout at the top of their voices. My sleep was disturbed, but I tried to he quiet, not knowing what was happening. I heard the window-panes being smashed. I had lying, on either side of me, two very brave girls. They would not sleep, but without my knowledge, for my eyes were closed, they went among the small crowd and tried to pacify them. Thank God, the crowd did not do any harm to them. The old Muslim lady in the house endearingly called Bi Amma and a young Muslim stood near my matting, I suppose, to protect me from harm.

"The noise continued to swell. Some had entered the central hall and began to knock open the many doors. I felt that I must get up and face the angry crowd. I stood at the threshold of one of the doors. Friendly faces surrounded me and would not let me move forward. My vow of silence admitted of my breaking it on such occasions, and I broke it and began to appeal to the angry young men to be quiet. I asked the Bengali grand- daughter-in-law to translate my few words into Bengali. But all to no purpose. Their ears were closed against reason.

"I clasped my hands in the Hindu fashion. Nothing doing. More win- dow-panes began to crack. The friendly ones in the crowd tried to pacify the crowd. There were police officers. Be it said to their credit that they did not try to exercise authority. They too clasped their hands in appeal. A lathi blow missed me and everybody round me. A brick aimed at me hurt a Muslim friend standing by. The two girls would not leave me and held on to me to the last. Meanwhile, the police superintendent and his officers came in. They did not use force. They appealed to me to retire. Then there was a chance of their stilling the young men. .After a time the crowd melted. "What happened outside the compound gate I do not know, except that the police had to use tear-gas to disperse the crowd. Meanwhile, Dr. P. C. Ghosh, Annada Babu and Dr. Nripen walked in and after some discussion left. Happily, Shaheed Suhrawardy Saheb had gone home to prepare for tomorrow's proposed departure for Noakhali. In view of the above ugly incident, which no one could tell where it would lead to, I could not think of leaving Calcutta for Noakhali. "What is the lesson of the incident? It is clear to me that if India is to retain her dearly won independence, all men and women must completely forget the lynch law. What was attempted was an indifferent imitation of it. If the Muslims misbehaved, the complainants could, if they would not go to the ministers, certainly go to me or my friend, Shaheed Saheb. The same thing applies to the Muslim complainants. There is no way of keeping peace in Calcutta or elsewhere, if the elementary rule of the civilized society is not observed. Let them not think of the savagery of the Punjab or outside India. The recognition of the golden rule of never taking the law into one's own hands has no exceptions.

"My secretary, Dev Prakash, wires from Patna: 'Public agitated Punjab happenings. Feel statement necessary, impressing duty of public and the press.' Shri Dev Prakash is never unduly agitated. There must be some unguarded word by the press. If that is so, at this time, when we are sitting on a powder magazine, the Fourth Estate has to be extra wise and reticent. Unscrupulousness will act as a lighted match. I hope every editor and reporter will realize his duty to the full.

"One thing I must mention. I have an urgent message calling me to the Punjab. I hear all kinds of rumours about recrudescence of trouble in Calcutta. I hope they are exaggerated, if not quite baseless. The citizens of Calcutta have to reassure me that there would be nothing wrong in Calcutta and that peace, once restored, will not be broken.

"From the very first day of peace, that is, from August 14th last, I have been saying that the peace might only be a temporary lull. There was no miracle. Will the foreboding prove true and Calcutta again lapse into the law of the jungle? Let us hope not, let us pray to the Almighty that He will touch our hearts and ward off the recurrence of insanity.

"Since the foregoing was written, about four o'clock during my silence, I have come to know fairly well the details of what has happened in the various parts of the city. Some of the places, which were safe till yesterday, have suddenly become unsafe. Several deaths have taken place. I saw two bodies of very poor Muslims, I saw also some wretched-looking Muslims being carted away to a place of safety; I quite see that the last night's incidents, so fully described above, pale into insignificance before this flare-up. Nothing that I may do in the way of going about in the open conflagration could possibly arrest it.

"I have told the friends, who saw me in the evening, what their duty is. What part am I to play, in order to stop it? The Sikhs and Hindus must not forget what the East Punjab has done during these few days. Now the Muslims in the West Punjab have begun the mad career. It is said that the Sikhs and the Hindus are enraged over the Punjab happenings.

"I have adverted above to a very urgent call for me to go to the Punjab. But now that the Calcutta bubble seems to have burst, with what face can I proceed to the Punjab? The weapon which has hitherto proved infallible for me is fasting. To put an appearance before an yelling crowd does not always work. It certainly did not last night. What my word in person cannot do, my fast may. It may touch the hearts of all the warring elements in the Punjab, if it does in Calcutta. I, therefore, begin fasting from 8.15 tonight, to end only if and when sanity returns to Calcutta. I shall as usual, permit myself to add salt and soda bicarb to the water I may wish to drink during the fast.

"If the people of Calcutta wish me to proceed to the Punjab and help the people there, they have to enable me to break the fast as early as may be." Gandhi went to bed just after midnight and rose at half past three as usual. The prayers were held at four in the morning. Then he attended to correspondence and later in the morning lie read the papers, lying in bed. During the day he received several reports of incidents in the city and he sent out members of his party to see things on the spot.

"As soon as the condition returns to normal, as it was two days back, I shall break my fast-and not before that," said Gandhi to Dr. Shyama Prosad Mookerjee who along with other Mahasabha leaders called on him on Tuesday afternoon.

In the course of discussion with his close associates, Gandhi said: "With fratricidal strife going on in various parts of India, I was thinking seriously of my duties. I was groping in the dark. At last I have seen light. If Providence so desires, I would rather dedicate my life, than live to see this fair land besmeared with the blood of Hindus and Muslims." Gandhi completed twenty-four hours of his fast on Tuesday night. He had been resting most of the time, being unable to carry on with his usual activities. He looked a bit tired and he spoke rather slowly. Otherwise, the general condition was good. He went to bed at eight in the night and soon fell asleep. On Wednesday a leading member of the Muslim League pleaded with him to give up the fast: "Your very presence in our midst is an asset to us. It is the guarantee of our safety. Do not deprive us of it." "My presence did not check the rowdies the other day," Gandhi remonstrated. "My word seemed to have lost all efficacy so far as they were concerned. My fast will now be broken only when the conflagration ends and the pristine peace of the last fifteen days returns. If the Muslims love me and regard me as an asset, they can demonstrate their faith by refusing to give way to the instinct of revenge and retaliation, even if the whole of Calcutta goes mad. In the meantime, my ordeal must continue." Gandhi's fast stirred the people. Sachin Mitra and Smritish Banerji got killed on September, while leading the peace squadrons in the city.

The riots rapidly subsided. On September 4 the Government and the individuals reported to Gandhi that not a single incident had taken place during the last twenty-four hours. People came to him, either with reports or with promise, and in spite of his very weak state, he insisted on speaking in his feeble voice to every interviewer. Dr. Sunil Bose came to Gandhi with a request that he should take rest and not talk at all. But Gandhi told him that he could not exclude relevant talk. Such necessary loss of energy was inevitable. He was certainly desirous of living, but not at the cost of work that duty demanded. "I cannot interrupt the work which has made me fast and which makes me live. If my life ebbs away in the process, I would feel happy.” Residents of Beliaghata, who had a few weeks earlier looked upon his peace mission with suspicion, had been electrified by the fast. They with all their energy set about the task of rehabilitating the deserted Muslim basti.

The pressmen who had met the evacuees who had returned home, testified to the sincerity and the solicitude with which those who had driven them away a few weeks back now treated them. This was good news for Gandhi, but yet he did not reach the point when the fast could be broken.

As the hours crept by and, drop by drop, strength ebbed out of him, the Hindus and the Muslims combined in an all-out effort to save the precious life. Mixed processions, consisting of all the communities, issued forth and paraded through the riot-affected areas to restore communal harmony. A group of about fifty people, credited with power to control the turbulent elements in the city, met Gandhi on September 4, and gave an undertaking that they would immediately bring the trouble-makers under check. They told him that they had already traced and put under restraint the ring leaders, who had organized the rowdyism in his camp on Sunday last, including the person” who had hurled the stick that had narrowly missed hitting him. They would all surrender themselves to him and would take whatever punishment might be meted out to them. Would not he, on the strength of that assurance, now break his fast? If not, what was his condition for breaking the fast? In reply, Gandhi promptly told them that he would break his fast only when they could assure him that there would never again be recrudescence of communal madness in the city, even though the whole of West Bengal and, for that matter, India might go forth into a blaze and the Muslims themselves would come and tell him that they now felt safe and secure and, therefore, he need not further prolong his fast. He did not expect to be able to control all the goondas in the city, though he would love to, as he had not the requisite degree of purity, detachment and the steadfastness of mind. But, if he could not even make them purge themselves of the communal virus, he would feel that life was not worth living and he would not care to prolong it. They had referred to the oppression of his fast. He could not understand that. Why should they have a feeling of oppression if what they had told him came right from their hearts ? If a single step was taken under pressure of the fast, not from conviction, then it would cause oppression; but there should be no oppression if there was complete co-operation between the head and the heart.

He concluded: "The function of my fast is to purify, to release our energies by overcoming our inertia and mental sluggishness, not to paralyse us or to render us inactive. My fast isolates the forces of evil. The moment they are isolated they die, for evil by itself has no legs to stand upon. And I expect you, therefore, to work with even greater vigour under the instigation of my fast, not to feel its oppression." The deputation went back realizing that it was not fair to request him to give up his fast, unless they could deliver the goods. Later, in the afternoon, a number of those who had led the disturbances in his camp on the Sunday night, came to Gandhi and made their surrender.

Towards evening, Mr. N. C. Chatterjee, the President of the Hindu Mahasabha, Mr. D. N. Mookerjee, its secretary, Sirdar Niranjan Singh Talib, the editor of Desk Darpan, Dr. G. Jilani of the Muslim League, Dr. Abdur Rashid Chowdhury and Mr. Mohibur Rahman of the Pakistan Seamen's Union came to report on the quiet and with their request to Gandhi to break his fast. Rajagopalachari, Acharya Kripalani, Dr. P. C. Ghosh and Mr. Suhrawardy were also there. They had a long discussion with Gandhi which left him rather worn out.

Gandhi observed that ever since August 14th, although he had relished the fraternization between the Hindus and the Muslims, he looked on the ebullition of emotion with caution and reserve. If the feeling was due entirely to friendship new found, to sense of brotherhood through common citizenship newly attained, there would be more signs of it, in intensified efforts for rehabilitation. The sign was lacking. The recrudescence had then come. Therefore, he felt that he must fast. God had at least given him the capacity to work and to die for communal peace. If there were anti-social elements in society, where a rowdy or a goonda plundered or killed a man, whether Hindu or Muslim, his fast might not affect him. He surely knew his own limitations. He fasted for the restoration of communal harmony. The sanity that had been in evidence for the last twenty-four hours was not enough for him. If the present company was going to assure him that it was a sincere affair and was going to be permanent, he would then expect them to give him something in writing. It must state that supposing the Hindu-Muslim riots broke out once more in Calcutta, they should assure him that they would give their lives in the attempt to quell the riots. If they agreed, that would be enough. They must so work from tomorrow, that real peace and common citizenship was created as a feature of Calcutta life, no matter what happened elsewhere. Communal peace should be their prime occupation, and their other occupations or avocations must henceforth occupy a second place. There was another matter, but that was a condition which automatically attached itself to the situation. As in Bihar, as in Noakhali, so also in Calcutta, he wanted to tell them who were making themselves responsible for the break of his fast, that if the communal frenzy broke out in Calcutta again, he might have to go on an irrevocable fast. The present fast was meant to activate the better, peace-loving and wise, elements in society, to rescue them from the mental sluggishness and make goodness active.

Gandhi asked them two questions. Could they in all sincerity assure him that there would never be any more recrudescence of communal madness in Calcutta? Could they say, there was a genuine change of heart among the citizens of Calcutta so that they would no longer foster or tolerate any communal frenzy? They should let him continue his fast if they could not give him that guarantee, for in the event of the present communal outbreak being followed by another, he would have to undertake an irrevocable fast unto death. "But supposing, there is another communal outbreak, in spite of your assurances, since you are not omniscient," Gandhi resumed, "would you give your word of honour that you would in that event suffer to the uttermost before a hair of the minority community is injured, that you would die in the attempt to put out the conflagration but not return alive to report failure? I want this from you in writing. But mind you, my blood will be upon your head, if you say one thing and mean another; rather than thoughtlessly hurry, let me prolong my fast a little longer. It would not hurt me. When a man fasts, it is not the gallons of water he drinks that sustains him, but God.”

Gandhi spoke with deep passion. A pin-drop silence followed. Shaheed Suhrawardy broke the ice. Gandhi had said that he would break the fast when Calcutta would return to sanity. That condition had been fulfilled. Was he not imposing fresh conditions now by asking them to sign that declaration? To this legal argument, Gandhi retorted that there was no fresh condition imposed now. All that was there implied in the original terms of the fast. "What I have spoken now is only a home truth, to make you know what is what. If there is a complete accord between your conviction and feeling, there should be no difficulty in signing that declaration. It is the acid test of your sincerity and courage of conviction. If, however, you sign it merely to keep me alive, you will be encompassing my death." Everybody realized the, solemnity of Gandhi's warning. Kripalani and Rajagopalachari, who had arrived during the latter part of the discussion, proposed that Gandhi should be left alone for a while and they all should retire to the adjoining room to confer together. Suhrawardy endorsed the suggestion. They were about to retire when an appeal signed by forty representatives of the Hind us and the Muslims was brought in. In the appeal, the signatorierswore that they would not allow any untoward event or incident in the locality which was affected during the previous riots and they earnestly prayed to Gandhi to break his fast. "So our effort has not been in vain," remarked Mr. Suhrawardy, as he read out the appeal. "Yes, the leaven is at work," Gandhi added.

Mr. Suhrawardy then said: "Now that even the Muslims have joined in the appeal, will you not break your fast? This shows that the Muslims have fully accepted your peace mission although they are the aggrieved party in the present riots. It is all the more strange, because, -at one time, Muslims looked upon you as their arch enemy. But now their hearts have been so touched by the services you have rendered them that today they acclaim you as their friend and helper.” Rajagopalachari quickly added: ”If I may vary the language, I would say that he is safer today in the hands of Muslims than those of Hindus,” Gandhi now picked out for his comments only that portion of Shaheed Suhrawardy's remarks in which he had referred to the Musalmans as the aggrieved party. ”Do not think of the Musalmans as the aggrieved party.” Gandhi remarked. ”The essence of our present peace mission is that we are to forget the past. I do not want the Musalmans to feel that in West Bengal they are the underdog. Unless we can forget the distinction, we will not have done solid work.” They then all retired to the next room and Gandhi who had an attack of nausea during the latter part of the talk was left alone to rest.

The discussion was brief but unhurried. C. Rajagopalachari drafted the pledge which was| signed by N. C. Chatterjee, Devendra Nath Mookerjee, Suhrawardy, R. Jaidka and Niranjan Singh Talib, to be followed later by the others. A carload of handgrenades and arms had in the meantime arrived to be surrendered to Gandhi as a token of repentance on the part of those who had taken part in the reprisals and counter reprisals. Without any loss of time, all the signatories then returned to Gandhi with the document.

”But is it any good my signing this document?” Mr. Suhrawardy remarked. ”I may any time be called to Pakistan and fhen what happens to my pledge?” 'You must in that event have confidence that those whom you leave behind will deliver the goods,” remonstrated Gandhi. "Moreover, you can come back.” ”I have no desire to hoodwink you and will never deliberately do so,” said Mr. Suhrawardy.

”I will break this fast now,” said Gandhi, ”and leave for the Punjab tomorrow. I shall now go there with far greater strength and confidence than I could have three days back.” Mr. Suhrawardy interposed: "You cannot leave tomorrow. For your presence is necessary here at least for a couple of days yet to consolidate peace." The others supported him. So, Saturday was provisionally fixed for Gandhi's departure. At quarter past nine on Thursday, September 4, Gandhi broke his fast. The fast lasted seventy-three hours.

On September 5, he was too weak to address the prayer meeting but on the following day he attended a farewell function arranged on behalf of the citizens of Calcutta to express their gratitude.

Gandhi, referring to the deputy mayor's speech, stated that the word "farewell" was misapplied. He had made his home in Calcutta among the Muslim friends in Beliaghata and not in Sodepur Khadi Pratisthan, which was his permanent home. He did not even allow Hemaprobha Devi and her co-workers to come to his new abode for looking after him. He said that he would be satisfied with what the Muslim friends gave him in the shape of service. He had made no mistake. He was in the habit of living comfortably in the Muslim homes in South Africa.

He then spoke on the martyrdom of Sachin Mitra and Smritish Baneiji. He was not sorry. Such innocent deaths were necessary to keep the two communities together. Let them not make the mistake that such martyrs were to be found among the Hindus only. He could cite several instances of Musalmans, who had lost their lives in the act of protecting Hindus. He had similar personal experiences in life. There was evil and good among all the communities and climes. That brought him to Shaheed Saheb, about whom he had many Hindus coming to him, and also many letters from them, to the effect that he was a fool to have accepted Shaheed Saheb as his associate in the task. He must say that he was no fool. He knew what he was doing. He had nothing to do with what Shaheed Saheb had done in the past. But he was there to testify that Shaheed Suhrawardy had given his full co-operation all the precious days they were together. And he was free to confess that without Shaheed Saheb's valuable help, they would not have found him working in their midst. It was an insult to his intelligence to think that there could be any base motive behind the work into which he had thrown himself with his whole heart. Shaheed Saheb had a palatial house and a brother whom he regarded as superior to him in talent. He had another brother whom the speaker had the pleasure of knowing in London at the Round Table Conference and who was the ViceChancellor of the Dacca University. His uncle Sir Abdulla was the author of The Sayings of the Prophet. If they distrusted the motives, they would be vastly mistaken. Neither they, nor anybody else, had any right to question a man's motives. The speaker would not like his motives to be judged against his action to the contrary. That was the only right way to get on with the people. They all should know that the speaker had been condemned to their knowledge as the enemy number one of Islam and that in spite of his protestations to the contrary. Would the audience, therefore, like the Muslims never to accept his actions at their worth? Let them consider the awful consequence of such distrust. It might ruin the present unity and thus jeopardize what probably was the only chance of saving the Punjab from fratricidal' strife.

He then referred to the Shanti Sena and the other organizations which were doing strenuous work to preserve peace. The women had come forward to do their bit. The students had excelled themselves in their devotion to the cause of communal amity. Some young men had brought their unlicensed arms, including the Sten guns, handgrenades and other less destructive weapons. He thanked them for their courage in bringing them to him. He hoped that the good example would be copied by all possessors, Hindus and Muslims, of unlicensed arms. It would be a proof of mutual trust and trust in God. He was assured by the Premier that those who delivered up such arms within a given date-the shorter the better-would be thanked for their open help in the work of peace and that no punishment would be inflicted on them, now or hereafter, for what was undoubtedly a serious offence. He earnestly asked, therefore, all such possessors to deliver these to the authorities or to their friends, to be delivered to the authorities.

And lastly, Gandhi told them that by breaking the fast, only after day's absence of strife, on the strength of the pressure of friends drawn from all the communities in Calcutta and outside, he threw the burden on them of preservation of peace at the cost of their lives. Let them not be guilty of having, though unwittingly, brought about his death by the abrupt end of the fast. He could have, as they might have, waited for some days more to enable him to gauge the situation for himself; but he could not properly do so in the face of the earnestness of friends, say, like Mr. N. C. Chatterjee, the President of the Hindu Mahasabha, Shaheed Saheb and many others, but then he threw all the greater weight on the shoulders of all Calcutta citizens and sojourners. What they wanted was not the peace imposed by the Government forces but by themselves. If unfortunately it was broken, there would be no alternative but a fast unto death. He could not, like a child, play with them, and each time say, he was going to break his fast if they resumed sanity. He made that solemn declaration for Bihar, then for Noakhali, and now for Calcutta. As his life was made, he had no other alternative. If God willed that he should still do some service, He would bless all with wisdom to do the right thing in the matter. Consider the consequence of the Calcutta city remaining sane. It must mean the automatic sanity of all Bengal, East and West. It meant also Bihar and consequently the Punjab, where God was sending him. If the Punjab came to its senses, the rest of India was bound to follow. So may God help them all.

A Muslim League paper, the Morning News, paying tribute to Gandhi on behalf of the Calcutta Muslims, wrote: "He was ready to die so they might live peacefully." And the correspondent of The Times summed up the situation by the remark that Gandhi had achieved more than would have been effected by several divisions of troops. "Gandhiji has achieved many things," said Rajagopalachari, "but there has been nothing, not even independence which is so truly wonderful, as his victory over evil in Calcutta." Lord Mountbatten gratefully wrote to Gandhi: "In the Punjab we have 55,000 soldiers and large-scale rioting on our hands. In Bengal our forces consist of one man, and there is no rioting. As a serving officer, as well as an administrator, may I be allowed to pay my tribute to the one-man boundary force!” Gandhi left for Delhi on September 7 after spending in Calcutta thirty days-in his Beliaghata residence twenty-four days. When approached for a message he wrote down in Bengali: ”My life is my message.”